How do we tackle the problems of globalisation while making the most of its benefits? The answer lies in partnerships. Because global problems can only be solved through cooperation. This is the best way of getting countries involved and giving them their share of responsibility. Because this is the only way to anticipate problems. In short, partnerships present enormous opportunities: economic, political and military.

The world is facing major, transnational challenges: climate change, the proliferation of WMDs (including nuclear weapons), international terrorism and pandemics. To say nothing of the effects of the financial and economic crisis. This is the dark side of globalisation, the same globalisation that has brought us so many benefits and opportunities.

How do we tackle the problems of globalisation while making the most of its benefits? More than ever before, we are recognising that we need each other. That no one country can do everything on its own. But successful international cooperation certainly can’t be taken for granted. In today’s multipolar world order, uncertainty is the name of the game. Who is in charge? Who still exerts effective moral authority? The way things now look, the G2 – the US and China – will be the leading actors on the world stage in the decades to come. But these two great powers have yet to forge a balanced and sustainable relationship. Meanwhile, international organisations like the United Nations reflect an out-of-date world-view. Emerging powers like China, India and Brazil are looking to assert themselves – and rightly so. They feel they’ve outgrown the need to go along with the prevailing consensus. And in tandem with this trend, the relative power of Western countries, especially in Europe, has declined. These countries will have to move over and make room for the new players. But how will this work in practice? Will the emerging powers interpret concepts like ‘responsible sovereignty’ the way we do? Will we be able to hold on to the things we cherish? Our prosperity, our security and our way of life – a free way of life? Are our values and identity under threat?

If we in the Netherlands want to turn these international developments to our advantage, we have to engage with the world. We have to stand up and be counted. Over the past three years I have tried to formulate an active European and international policy for our country.

The answer lies in partnerships. Because global problems can only be solved through cooperation. Because this is the best way of getting countries involved and giving them their share of responsibility. Because this is the only way to anticipate problems. In short, partnerships present enormous opportunities: economic, political and military.

I’m talking about partnerships with emerging powers that we must get to know better and learn to work with. This is why I was in Brazil last month. I’m talking about partnerships with traditional allies, with which we share important values. Chief among them is the United States, but I would also mention the NATO alliance, which stands ready to guarantee our security. And of course, I’m also talking about a partnership that has given us unprecedented stability and prosperity over the past sixty years: the European Union. I am fully committed to strengthening cooperation with our European partners.

A strong EU is in the Netherlands’ best interests. I say this especially to those who have used the recent turbulence in the eurozone to argue that the Netherlands should go its own way, in the manner of Switzerland. And to those who, in the run-up to the election of 9 June, have suggested halving the Dutch contribution to the EU. I can imagine that this is a good way of winning votes, but there is only one way to describe these kinds of tactics: public deception. Even ignoring the sheer impossibility of such a promise – as confirmed by the Dutch Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis – a budget cut of that size would be incredibly unwise.

What should the Union do to become a persuasive force on the world stage, and what will be required of us, the individual member states?

First of all , we need to put the Greek debt crisis behind us. When the financial and economic crisis broke out, the euro played an important stabilising role. But the same crisis also exposed weaknesses in the eurozone: many countries are grappling with large budget deficits and excessive debt. If you factor in the declining competitiveness of a number of countries, the result is widespread and unhealthy worry, which is then fuelled further by market speculation. Make no mistake: solidarity can only be stretched so far. A number of countries in the eurozone will have to fundamentally reform their economies. The strict taskmasters of the IMF will be on hand to ensure that this happens in Greece.

A second requirement for strengthening the EU is that we re-energise our economies and get them moving in a sustainable direction. We are now winding up the review of the Lisbon strategy, which will culminate next month in a new strategy, designed to take the EU forward to 2020. This review process has been dominated by the themes of sustainable growth and employment. This is the right focus in these times. Creating scope for innovation and sustainability, so that Europe can stay competitive in the world. This will benefit Dutch entrepreneurs more than most, thanks to the global character of their trade and investment activities.

Thirdly , we must uphold and defend the shared values that form the foundation of European integration. We cannot abandon the very quality that makes us so attractive to the rest of the world: our commitment to freedom, democracy and human rights. Credibility means adhering closely to the accession criteria we agreed. Any state seeking membership of the Union must show that it fully embraces European values. There should be no second-tier members of the EU.

To boost our powers of persuasion in th e world, we must be far more united. Only when we agree on a robust common policy can Europe become a significant geopolitical power on the world stage, alongside the United States and China. We should aspire to turn the G2 into the G3. Not as an end in itself, but as a way to increase our influence on international events.

If Europe evolves into a politically engaging player, both the European member states and the US stand to benefit. The traditional allies, Europe and the US, will strengthen each other’s position in the world, making it more difficult for China and other regional powers to break with the transatlantic consensus. I am still convinced that together, the US and Europe can make the difference on many of the challenges we face. That together, we can be a force for positive change in the world, motivated by our shared values. But the EU will have to grow into that role. We shouldn’t run before we can walk.

The same point applies to our security. Which brings me to the subject of this conference. My belief is that Europe cannot be secure without a robust European Security and Defence Policy. Gone are the days that we could look across the Atlantic for security guarantees. In a world where the balance of power is shifting so dramatically and where security risks take so many forms, we cannot blindly trust that the Americans will safeguard our security. We have a responsibility too! As I said a moment ago, if Europe wants to play a meaningful role on the world stage, EU member states will have to approach foreign policy questions with more strength, unity and vigour. This means building a credible European Security and Defence Policy. And it will bring only benefits to NATO too. After all, the European partners have to be able to deliver in the Alliance as well.

This will include investing in hard power. Economic and political power is only credible when it is backed by military power. We need to place more emphasis on cooperation between European armed forces. But frankly, we also need to set aside more resources for our own defence capabilities. I hope we can make genuine progress in this area: it is sorely needed. At the same time, member states must continue to invest in their civilian capacity. In the years ahead, demand for these kinds of services and expertise are certain to increase too. EU missions depend on the efforts of police officers, judges and other rule-of-law experts. Here too, there is much to be gained. I imagine that Nick Witney spoke about this issue this morning. He once described European missions as a ‘triumph of improvisation’. 1 We can do better. We must do better.

A precondition for this is an integrated mindset. Both civilian and military action, rather than either one or the other. This is one of the EU’s strengths – a unique strength, in fact. We should reorganise our planning structures to reflect his, both strategically and operationally. At some point, we will also need to start thinking about establishing a civilian-military operational headquarters in Brussels. We could also improve our efficiency in developing capacity. In other words: prevent overlap and promote joint investment. There’s not a lot of money to go round, so we need to be smart in using the resources we have. The joint deployment of helicopters, for example. We also have to engage with other partners: NATO, of course, but also strategically important players such as the Russian Federation. Partnerships like these increase not only our capacity but also our political clout in the world.

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